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Sendhil Mullainathan's
Scholarly Papers
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1.
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Behavioral Economics
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Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Richard H. Thaler University of Chicago - Booth School of Business
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12 Oct 00
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26 Nov 03
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5,153 ( 227) |
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Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Richard H. Thaler University of Chicago - Booth School of Business
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23 Oct 00
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26 Nov 03
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Abstract:
Behavioral Economics is the combination of psychology and economics that investigates what happens in markets in which some of the agents display human limitations and complications. We begin with a preliminary question about relevance. Does some combination of market forces, learning and evolution render these human qualities irrelevant? No. Because of limits of arbitrage less than perfect agents survive and influence market outcomes. We then discuss three important ways in which humans deviate from the standard economic model. Bounded rationality reflects the limited cognitive abilities that constrain human problem solving. Bounded willpower captures the fact that people sometimes make choices that are not in their long-run interest. Bounded self-interest incorporates the comforting fact that humans are often willing to sacrifice their own interests to help others. We then illustrate how these concepts can be applied in two settings: finance and savings. Financial markets have greater arbitrage opportunities than other markets, so behavioral factors might be thought to be less important here, but we show that even here the limits of arbitrage create anomalies that the psychology of decision making helps explain. Since saving for retirement requires both complex calculations and willpower, behavioral factors are essential elements of any complete descriptive theory.
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Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Richard H. Thaler University of Chicago - Booth School of Business
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12 Oct 00
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05 Oct 01
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Abstract:
Behavioral Economics is the combination of psychology and economics that investigates what happens in markets in which some of the agents display human limitations and complications. We begin with a preliminary question about relevance. Does some combination of market forces, learning and evolution render these human qualities irrelevant? No. Because of limits of arbitrage less than perfect agents survive and influence market outcomes. We then discuss three important ways in which humans deviate from the standard economic model. Bounded rationality reflects the limited cognitive abilities that constrain human problem solving. Bounded willpower captures the fact that people sometimes make choices that are not in their long-run interest. Bounded self-interest incorporates the comforting fact that humans are often willing to sacrifice their own interests to help others. We then illustrate how these concepts can be applied in two settings: finance and savings. Financial markets have greater arbitrage opportunities than other markets, so behavioral factors might be thought to be less important here, but we show that even here the limits of arbitrage create anomalies that the psychology of decision making helps explain. Since saving for retirement requires both complex calculations and willpower, behavioral factors are essential elements of any complete descriptive theory.
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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15 Jul 03
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06 Nov 08
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1,397 (2,772)
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We perform a field experiment to measure racial discrimination in the labor market. We respond with fictitious resumes to help-wanted ads in Boston and Chicago newspapers. To manipulate perception of race, each resume is randomly assigned either a very African American sounding name or a very White sounding name. The results show significant discrimination against African-American names: White names receive 50 percent more callbacks for interviews. We also find that race affects the benefits of a better resume. For White names, a higher quality resume elicits 30 percent more callbacks whereas for African Americans, it elicits a far smaller increase. Applicants living in better neighborhoods receive more callbacks but, interestingly, this effect does not differ by race. The amount of discrimination is uniform across occupations and industries. Federal contractors and employers who list Equal Opportunity Employer in their ad discriminate as much as other employers. We find little evidence that our results are driven by employers inferring something other than race, such as social class, from the names. These results suggest that racial discrimination is still a prominent feature of the labor market.
Discrimination, Race, Field Studies, Randomized Experiments, Stereotypes, Prejudice Statistical Discrimination, Hiring Practices, Employment, Human Capital
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3.
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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14 Feb 01
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26 Nov 03
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1,365 (2,903)
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Abstract:
Many surveys contain a wealth of subjective questions that are at first glance rather exciting. Examples include "How important is leisure time to you?" "How satisfied are you with yourself?"; or "How satisfied are you with your work?" Yet despite easy availability, this is one data source that economists rarely use. In fact, the unwillingness to rely on such questions marks an important divide between economists and other social scientists. This neglect does not come from disinterest. Most economists would probably agree that the variables these questions attempt to uncover are interesting and important. But they doubt whether these questions elicit meaningful answers. These doubts are, however, based on a priori skepticism rather than on evidence. This ignores a large body of experimental and empirical work that has investigated the meaningfulness of answers to these questions. Our primary objective in this paper is to summarize this literature for an audience of economists. Thereby turning a vague implicit distrust into an explicit position grounded in facts. Having summarized the findings, we integrate them into a measurement error framework so as to understand what they imply for empirical research relying on subjective data. Finally, in order to calibrate the extent of the measurement error problem, we perform some simple empirical work using specific subjective questions.
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4.
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Media Bias
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Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Andrei Shleifer Harvard University - Department of Economics
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25 Oct 02
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26 Nov 03
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987 ( 5,046) |
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Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Andrei Shleifer Harvard University - Department of Economics
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25 Oct 02
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25 Oct 02
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102
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There are two different types of media bias. One bias, which we refer to as ideology, reflects a news outlet's desire to affect reader opinions in a particular direction. The second bias, which we refer to as spin, reflects the outlet's attempt to simply create a memorable story. We examine competition among media outlets in the presence of these biases. Whereas competition can eliminate the effect of ideological bias, it actually exaggerates the incentive to spin stories.
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Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Andrei Shleifer Harvard University - Department of Economics
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20 Nov 02
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26 Nov 03
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885
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Abstract:
There are two different types of media bias. One bias, which we refer to as ideology, reflects a news outlet's desire to affect reader opinions in a particular direction. The second bias, which we refer to as spin, reflects the outlet's attempt to simply create a memorable story. We examine competition among media outlets in the presence of these biases. Whereas competition can eliminate the effect of ideological bias, it actually exaggerates the incentive to spin stories.
Media Bias
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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16 Oct 02
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26 Nov 03
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885 (6,094)
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Most corporate finance models of firm behavior study the typical US corporation: one firm with a large set of dispersed shareholders. In contrast, in many countries around the world, firms are often held in groups with complicated ownership structures. These groups, often referred to as pyramids, raise very distinct questions about firm behavior; these questions that are especially relevant for developing countries where these groups are most prevalent. In this paper, we first describe some empirical research we have performed on the nature of agency problems within pyramids. We then discuss a variety of questions, both theoretical and empirical, that remain to be unexplored.
Pyramids, Corporate Governance, Development
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6.
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How Much Should We Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimates?
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Esther Duflo Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) - Department of Economics Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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30 Oct 01
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26 Nov 03
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813 ( 6,981) |
343
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Esther Duflo Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) - Department of Economics Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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23 Mar 02
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23 Mar 02
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50
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Most Difference-in-Difference (DD) papers rely on many years of data and focus on serially correlated outcomes. Yet almost all these papers ignore the bias in the estimated standard errors that serial correlation introduces. This is especially troubling because the independent variable of interest in DD estimation (e.g., the passage of law) is itself very serially correlated, which will exacerbate the bias in standard errors. To illustrate the severity of this issue, we randomly generate placebo laws in state-level data on female wages from the Current Population Survey. For each law, we use OLS to compute the DD estimate of its 'effect' as well as the standard error for this estimate. The standard errors are severely biased: with about 20 years of data, DD estimation finds an 'effect' significant at the 5% level of up to 45% of the placebo laws. Two very simple techniques can solve this problem for large sample sizes. The first technique consists in collapsing the data and ignoring the time-series variation altogether; the second technique is to estimate standard errors while allowing for an arbitrary covariance structure between time periods. We also suggest a third technique, based on randomization inference testing methods, which works well irrespective of sample size. This technique uses the empirical distribution of estimated effects for placebo laws to form the test distribution.
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Esther Duflo Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) - Department of Economics Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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30 Oct 01
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26 Nov 03
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763
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Abstract:
Most Difference-in-Difference (DD) papers rely on many years of data and focus on serially correlated outcomes. Yet almost all these papers ignore the bias in the estimated standard errors that serial correlation introduces. This is especially troubling because the independent variable of interest in DD estimation (e.g., the passage of law) is itself very serially correlated, which will exacerbate the bias in standard errors. To illustrate the severity of this issue, we randomly generate placebo laws in state-level data on female wages from the Current Population Survey. For each law, we use OLS to compute the DD estimate of its "effect" as well as the standard error for this estimate. The standard errors are severely biased: with about 20 years of data, DD estimation finds an "effect" significant at the 5% level of up to 45% of the placebo laws. Two very simple techniques can solve this problem for large sample sizes. The first technique consists in collapsing the data and ignoring the time-series variation altogether; the second technique is to estimate standard errors while allowing for an arbitrary covariance structure between time periods. We also suggest a third technique, based on randomization inference testing methods, which works well irrespective of sample size. This technique uses the empirical distribution of estimated effects for placebo laws to form the test distribution.
serial correlation; estimated standard errors; placebo laws, state-level female wages, randomization inference testing.
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7.
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Do CEOs Set Their Own Pay? The Ones Without Principals Do
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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11 Sep 00
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25 May 06
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767 ( 7,637) |
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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25 May 06
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25 May 06
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We empirically examine two competing views of CEO pay. In the contracting view, pay is used to solve an agency problem: the compensation committee optimally chooses pay contracts which give the CEO incentives to maximize shareholder wealth. In the skimming view, pay is the result of an agency problem: CEOs have managed to capture the pay process so that they set their own pay, constrained somewhat by the availability of cash or by a fear of drawing shareholders` attention. To distinguish these views, we first examine how CEO pay responds to luck, observable shocks to performance beyond the CEO`s control. Using several measures of luck, such as changes in oil price for the oil industry, we find substantial pay for luck. Pay responds about as much to a lucky` dollar as to a general dollar. Most importantly, we find that better governed firms pay their CEOs less for luck. Our second test examines how much CEOs are charged for the options they are granted. Since options never appear on balance sheets, they might offer an appealing way to skim. Here again we find a crucial role for governance: CEOs in better governed firms are charged more for the options they are given. These results suggest that both views of CEO pay matter. In poorly governed firms, the skimming view fits better (pay for luck and little charge for options) while in well governed firms, the contracting view fits better (filtering out of luck and charging for options).
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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11 Sep 00
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26 Nov 03
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719
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Abstract:
We empirically examine two competing views of CEO pay. In the contracting view, pay is used to solve an agency problem: the compensation committee optimally chooses pay contracts that give the CEO incentives to maximize shareholder wealth. In the skimming view, pay is the result of an agency problem: CEOs have managed to capture the pay process so that they set their own pay, constrained somewhat by the availability of cash or by a fear of drawing shareholders' attention. To distinguish these views, we first examine how CEO pay responds to luck, observable shocks to performance beyond the CEO's control. Using several measures of luck, such as changes in oil price for the oil industry, we find substantial pay for luck. Pay responds about as much to a "lucky" dollar as to a general dollar. Most importantly, we find that better governed firms pay their CEOs less for luck. Our second test examines how much CEOs are charged for the options they are granted. Since options never appear on balance sheets, they might offer an appealing way to skim. Here again we find a crucial role for governance: CEOs in better governed firms are charged more for the options they are given. These results suggest that both views of CEO pay matter. In poorly governed firms, the skimming view fits better (pay for luck and little charge for options) while in well governed firms, the contracting view fits better (filtering out of luck and charging for options).
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8.
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Agents With and Without Principals
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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Posted:
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11 Sep 00
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26 Nov 03
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735 ( 8,160) |
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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14 Nov 00
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26 Nov 03
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449
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Who sets CEO pay? Our standard answer to this question has been shaped by principal agent theory: shareholders set CEO pay. They use pay to limit the moral hazard problem caused by the low ownership stakes of CEOs. Through bonuses, options, or long term contracts, shareholders can motivate the CEO to maximize firm wealth. In other words, shareholders use pay to provide incentives, a view we refer to as the contracting view. An alternative view, championed by practitioners such as Crystal (1991), argues that CEOs set their own pay. They manipulate the compensation committee and hence the pay process itself to pay themselves what they can. The only constraints they face may be the availability of funds or more general fears, such as not wanting to be singled out in the Wall Street Journal as being overpaid. We refer to this second view as the skimming view. In this paper, we investigate the relevance of these two views.
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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11 Sep 00
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11 Sep 00
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286
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Abstract:
Who sets CEO pay? Our standard answer to this question has been shaped by principal agent theory: shareholders set CEO pay. They use pay to limit the moral hazard problem caused by the low ownership stakes of CEOs. Through bonuses, options, or long term contracts, shareholders can motivate the CEO to maximize firm wealth. In other words, shareholders use pay to provide incentives, a view we refer to as the contracting view. An alternative view, championed by practitioners such as Crystal (1991), argues that CEOs set their own pay. They manipulate the compensation committee and hence the pay process itself to pay themselves what they can. The only constraints they face may be the availability of funds or more general fears, such as not wanting to be singled out in the Wall Street Journal as being overpaid. We refer to this second view as the skimming view. In this paper, we investigate the relevance of these two views.
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Ferreting Out Tunneling: An Application to Indian Business Groups
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Paras P. Mehta Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) - Department of Economics Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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Posted:
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12 Oct 00
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17 Oct 08
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688 ( 9,022) |
140
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Paras P. Mehta Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) - Department of Economics Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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20 Oct 00
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17 Oct 08
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664
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In many countries, controlling shareholders are accused of tunneling, transferring resources from companies where they have few cash flow rights to ones where they have more cash flow rights. Quantifying the extent of such tunneling, however, has proven difficult because of its illicit nature. This paper develops a general empirical technique for quantifying tunneling. We use the responses of different firms to performance shocks to map out the flow of resources within a group of firms and to quantify the extent to which the marginal dollar is tunneled. We apply our technique to data on Indian business groups. The results suggest a significant amount of tunneling between firms in these groups.
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Paras P. Mehta Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) - Department of Economics Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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12 Oct 00
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14 Sep 01
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In many countries, controlling shareholders are accused of tunneling, transferring resources from companies where they have few cash flow rights to ones where they have more cash flow rights. Quantifying the extent of such tunneling, however, has proven difficult because of its illicit nature. This paper develops a general empirical technique for quantifying tunneling. We use the responses of different firms to performance shocks to map out the flow of resources within a group of firms and to quantify the extent to which the marginal dollar is tunneled. We apply our technique to data on Indian business groups. The results suggest a significant amount of tunneling between firms in these groups.
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10.
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What's Psychology Worth? A Field Experiment in the Consumer Credit Market
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Dean S. Karlan Yale University - Economic Growth Center Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Eldar Shafir Princeton University Jonathan Zinman Dartmouth College
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28 Jul 05
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23 Oct 08
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632 ( 10,157) |
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Dean S. Karlan Yale University - Economic Growth Center Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Eldar Shafir Princeton University Jonathan Zinman Dartmouth College
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18 Jan 06
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10 Apr 06
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Numerous laboratory studies find that minor nuances of presentation and description change behavior in ways that are inconsistent with standard economic models. How much do these context effect matter in natural settings, when consumers make large, real decisions and have the opportunity to learn from experience? We report on a field experiment designed to address this question. A South African lender sent letters offering incumbent clients large, short-term loans at randomly chosen interest rates. The letters also contained independently randomized psychological features that were motivated by specific types of frames and cues shown to be powerful in the lab, but which, from a normative perspective, ought to have no impact. Consistent with standard economics, the interest rate significantly affected loan take-up. Inconsistent with standard economics, some of the psychological features also significantly affected take-up. The average effect of a psychological manipulation was equivalent to a one half percentage point change in the monthly interest rate. Interestingly, the psychological features appear to have greater impact in the context of less advantageous offers and persist across different income and education levels. In short, even in a market setting with large stakes and experienced customers, subtle psychological features appear to be powerful drivers of behavior. The findings pose a challenge for the social sciences: they suggest that psychological nuance matters but may be inherently difficult to predict given the impact of context. Successful incorporation of psychological features into field studies is likely to prove a vital, but nontrivial, addition to the formation of more general theories on when, why, and how frames and cues influence important decisions.
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Dean S. Karlan Yale University - Economic Growth Center Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Eldar Shafir Princeton University Jonathan Zinman Dartmouth College
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28 Jul 05
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23 Oct 08
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Numerous laboratory studies report on behaviors inconsistent with rational economic models. How much do these inconsistencies matter in natural settings, when consumers make large, real decisions and have the opportunity to learn from experiences? We report on a field experiment designed to address this question. Incumbent clients of a lender in South Africa were sent letters offering them large, short-term loans at randomly chosen interest rates. Psychological features on the letter, which did not affect offer terms or economic content, were also independently randomized. Consistent with standard economics, the interest rate significantly affected loan take-up. Inconsistent with standard economics, the psychological features also significantly affected take-up. The independent randomizations allow us to quantify the relative importance of psychological features and prices. Our core finding is the sheer magnitude of the psychological effects. On average, any one psychological manipulation has the same effect as a one half percentage point change in the monthly interest rate. Interestingly, the psychological features appear to have greater impact in the context of less advantageous offers. Moreover, the psychological features do not appear to draw in marginally worse clients, nor does the magnitude of the psychological effects vary systematically with income or education. In short, even in a market setting with large stakes and experienced customers, subtle psychological features that normatively ought to have no impact appear to be extremely powerful drivers of behavior.
Behavioral economics, psychology, microfinance, marketing, field experiment, credit markets
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Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics David S. Scharfstein Harvard Business School
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14 Feb 01
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26 Nov 03
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570 (11,817)
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In his famous article, "The Nature of the Firm," Ronald Coase (1937) raised two fundamental questions that have spawned a large body of research: Do firm boundaries affect the allocation of resources? And, what determines where firm boundaries are drawn? While the first of these questions has received some theoretical attention - notably Oliver Williamson (1975, 1985), Benjamin Klein, Robert Crawford, and Armen Alchian (1978) and Sanford Grossman and Oliver Hart, (1986) - it has largely been ignored empirically. Instead, the empirical work in this area, discussed in the other articles in this session, has addressed the second question by analyzing the determinants of vertical integration. Thus, while we know something about the forces that determine firm boundaries, we know relatively little about how these boundaries affect actual firm behavior. This is a major limitation in our understanding of the nature of the firm. To begin to assess how firm boundaries affect behavior, we analyze whether there are differences between integrated and non-integrated chemical manufacturers in their investments in production capacity. We focus on producers of vinyl chloride monomer (VCM), the sole use of which is in the production of the widely used waterproof plastic, polyvinyl chloride (PVC). VCM is a homogenous commodity and is traded in relatively liquid markets. Moreover, there is no obvious production link between VCM and PVC other than that one is an input into the other. For example, PVC is not a by-product of VCM production. Nevertheless, two thirds of VCM producers in our sample are integrated downstream into PVC. The existing literature would ask why we observe this degree of integration. We ask instead whether integrated and non-integrated VCM producers invest differently in production capacity.
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Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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25 Jul 01
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26 Nov 03
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537 (12,880)
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How do memory limitations affect economic behavior? I develop a model of memory grounded in psychology and biology research to investigate this question. Using this model, I study the case where people apply Bayes rule to the history they recall as if it were the true history. The resulting beliefs exhibit over-reaction on average. They also exhibit under-reaction with the model providing enough structure to allow predictions about which effect dominates when. I then apply this general framework to an otherwise standard model of consumption. It predicts the broad structure of consumption predictability as well as differences in marginal propensity to consume across different income streams. Most important, because it ties the extent of bias to a measurable aspect of the stochastic process being forecasted, the model makes novel, testable empirical predictions.
psychology, biology, Bayes rule, personal economic history, consumption
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Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Andrei Shleifer Harvard University - Department of Economics
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13 Jan 04
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19 Jan 04
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514 (13,743)
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We investigate the market for news under two assumptions: that readers hold beliefs that they like to see confirmed, and that newspapers can slant stories toward these beliefs. We show that, on the topics where readers share common beliefs, one should not expect accuracy even from competitive media: competition results in lower prices, but common slanting toward reader biases. However, on topics where reader beliefs diverge (such as politically divisive issues), newspapers segment the market and slant toward the biases of their own audiences, yet in the aggregate a conscientious reader could get an unbiased perspective. Generally speaking, reader heterogeneity is more important for accuracy in media than competition per se.
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14.
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Persuasion in Finance
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Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Andrei Shleifer Harvard University - Department of Economics
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Posted:
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07 Dec 05
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11 Jan 06
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468 ( 15,602) |
12
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Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Andrei Shleifer Harvard University - Department of Economics
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| Posted: |
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27 Dec 05
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27 Dec 05
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26
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12
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Abstract:
Persuasion is a fundamental part of social activity, yet it is rarely studied by economists. We compare the traditional economic model, in which persuasion is communication of objectively valuable information, with a behavioral model, in which persuasion is an effort to fit the message into the audience's already held beliefs. We present a simple formalization of the behavioral model, and compare the two models using data on financial advertising in Money and Business Week magazines over the course of the internet bubble. The evidence on the content of the persuasive messages is broadly consistent with the behavioral model of persuasion.
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Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Andrei Shleifer Harvard University - Department of Economics
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| Posted: |
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07 Dec 05
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11 Jan 06
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442
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12
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Abstract:
Persuasion is a fundamental part of social activity, yet it is rarely studied by economists. We compare the traditional economic model, in which persuasion is communication of objectively valuable information, with a behavioral model, in which persuasion is an effort to fit the message into the audience's already held beliefs. We present a simple formalization of the behavioral model, and compare the two models using data on financial advertising in Money and Business Week magazines over the course of the internet bubble. The evidence on the content of the persuasive messages is broadly consistent with the behavioral model of persuasion.
advertising, internet bubble, mutual funds
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15.
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Michael S. Barr University of Michigan Law School Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Eldar Shafir Princeton University
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| Posted: |
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16 Apr 08
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Last Revised:
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04 Jun 08
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250 (33,730)
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2
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Abstract:
Choosing a mortgage is one of the biggest financial decisions an American consumer will make. Yet it can be a complicated one, especially in today's environment where mortgages vary in dimensions and unique features. This complexity has raised regulatory issues. Should some features be regulated? Should product disclosure be regulated? And most basic of all, is there a rationale for regulation or will the market solve the problem? Current regulation of home mortgages is largely stuck in two competing models of regulation - disclosure and usury or product restrictions - neither of which take adequate account of behavioral psychology or market incentives. This paper seeks to use insights from both psychology and economics to provide a framework for understanding both these models as well as to suggest fundamentally new models. We understand outcomes as an equilibrium interaction between individuals with specific psychologies and firms that respond to those psychologies within specific markets. Regulation must then account for failures in this equilibrium.
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16.
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Public Policy and Extended Families: Evidence from South Africa
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Douglas L. Miller University of California, Davis - Department of Economics Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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Posted:
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05 May 00
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26 Nov 03
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215 ( 39,586) |
6
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Douglas L. Miller University of California, Davis - Department of Economics
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| Posted: |
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19 Sep 01
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26 Nov 03
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198
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6
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How are resources allocated within extended families in developing countries? To investigate this question, we use a unique social experiment: the South African pension program. Under that program, the elderly receive a cash transfer that represents roughly twice the per capita African income. We ask how this transfer affects the labor supply of working-age individuals living with these elderly. We find a sharp drop in the working hours of the prime-age individuals in these households when elder women reach 60 years old or elder men reach 65, the respective ages for pension eligibility. We also find that the drop in labor supply is much larger when the pensioner is a woman, suggesting an imperfect pooling of resources. The allocation of resources among prime-age individuals depends strongly on their absolute age and sex as well as on their relative age. The oldest son in the household reduces his working hours more than any other prime-age household member. The large labor supply response we observe raises important issues for the design of social policy programs in developing countries and also leads us to be wary of any model of intra-household allocation of resources that does not fully account for the endogeneity of earned income.
Families, Pension, Labor Supply, South Africa
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Douglas L. Miller University of California, Davis - Department of Economics Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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| Posted: |
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05 May 00
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02 Apr 01
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17
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Abstract:
Tightly knit extended families, in which people often give money to and get money from relatives, characterize many developing countries. These intra-family flows mean that public policies may affect a very different group of people than the one they target. To assess the empirical importance of these effects, we study a cash pension program in South Africa that targets the elderly. Focusing on three-generation households , we use the variation in pension receipt that comes from differences in the age of the elder(s) in the households. We find a sharp drop in the labor force participation of prime-age men in these households when elder women reach 60 years old or elder mean reach 65, the respective ages for pension eligibility. We also find that the drop in labor supply diminishes with family size, as the pension money is split over more people, and with educational attainment, as the pension money becomes less significant relative to outside earnings. Other findings suggest that power within the family might play an important role: (1) labor supply drops less when the pension is received by a man rather than by a woman; (2) middle aged men (those more likely to have control in the family) reduce labor supply more than younger men; and (3) female labor supply is unaffected. These last two findings also respectively suggest that the results are unlikely to be driven by increased human capital investment or by a need to stay home to care for the elderly. As a whole, this public policy seems to have had large effects on a group-prime age men living with the old-quite different from the one it originally targeted-elderly men and women.
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17.
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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| Posted: |
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22 Feb 05
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22 Feb 05
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206 (41,379)
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Abstract:
Both agency- and non-agency-based interpretations have been proposed to explain the strong positive empirical relationship between corporate cash flow and corporate investment. In this paper, we attempt to distinguish between these different interpretations using project-level data in the oil and gas industry. The specific projects we consider are mineral exploration leases on tracts of land. The standard positive relationship between investment and cash flow holds for these projects, in that we find that positive shocks to residual cash flow (netting out firm and time effects) are associated with higher spending on these projects. Interestingly, the increased investment comes from an increase in the price paid per tract with little to no change in the total number of tracts or total acreage of land bought. The positive association between price and cash flow holds even after controlling for a set of tract and firm characteristics that might be ex-ante related to expected return on a given tract. This data is most useful, however, because we can directly observe the eventual productivity of the projects undertaken. We find that the variation in bid price induced by higher cash flow is, if anything, negatively related to tract productivity. More importantly, the overall number of productive tracts does not increase with the cash flow in the year these tracts were bought. In other words, while higher cash flow is associated with higher spending on these projects, higher cash flow does not lead to higher revenues from these projects. Combining this finding with the lack of a quantity response, we conclude that our results are best described by an agency model where managers use cash flow to simplify their job (or live a "quiet life") rather than "empire-build."
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18.
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Does Corruption Produce Unsafe Drivers?
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Simeon Djankov Ministry of Finance Rema Hanna Harvard University - John F. Kennedy School of Government Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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16 May 06
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22 Aug 06
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175 ( 48,745) |
9
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Simeon Djankov Ministry of Finance Rema Hanna Harvard University - John F. Kennedy School of Government Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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08 Jun 06
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08 Jun 06
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16
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5
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Abstract:
We follow 822 applicants through the process of obtaining a driver's license in New Delhi, India. To understand how the bureaucracy responds to individual and social needs, participants were randomly assigned to one of three groups: bonus, lesson, and comparison groups. Participants in the bonus group were offered a financial reward if they could obtain their license fast; participants in the lesson group were offered free driving lessons. To gauge driving skills, we performed a surprise driving test after participants had obtained their licenses. Several interesting facts regarding corruption emerge. First, the bureaucracy responds to individual needs. Those who want their license faster (e.g. the bonus group), get it 40% faster and at a 20% higher rate. Second, the bureaucracy is insensitive to social needs. The bonus group does not learn to drive safely in order to obtain their license: in fact, 69% of them were rated as "failures" on the independent driving test. Those in the lesson group, despite superior driving skills, are only slightly more likely to obtain a license than the comparison group and far less likely (by 29 percentage points) than the bonus group. Detailed surveys allow us to document the mechanisms of corruption. We find that bureaucrats arbitrarily fail drivers at a high rate during the driving exam, irrespective of their ability to drive. To overcome this, individuals pay informal "agents" to bribe the bureaucrat and avoid taking the exam altogether. An audit study of agents further highlights the insensitivity of agents' pricing to driving skills. Together, these results suggest that bureaucrats raise red tape to extract bribes and that this corruption undermines the very purpose of regulation.
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Simeon Djankov Ministry of Finance Rema Hanna Harvard University - John F. Kennedy School of Government Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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| Posted: |
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16 May 06
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Last Revised:
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22 Aug 06
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159
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9
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Abstract:
We follow 822 applicants through the process of obtaining a driver's license in New Delhi, India. To understand how the bureaucracy responds to individual and social needs, participants were randomly assigned to one of three groups: bonus, lesson, and comparison groups. Participants in the bonus group were offered a financial reward if they could obtain their license fast; participants in the lesson group were offered free driving lessons. To gauge driving skills, we performed a surprise driving test after participants had obtained their licenses. Several interesting facts regarding corruption emerge. First, the bureaucracy responds to individual needs. Those who want their license faster (e.g., the bonus group), get it 40% faster and at a 20% higher rate. Second, the bureaucracy is insensitive to social needs. The bonus group does not learn to drive safely in order to obtain their license: in fact, 69% of them were rated as "failures" on the independent driving test. Those in the lesson group, despite superior driving skills, are only slightly more likely to obtain a license than the comparison group and far less likely (by 29 percentage points) than the bonus group. Detailed surveys allow us to document the mechanisms of corruption. We find that bureaucrats arbitrarily fail drivers at a high rate during the driving exam, irrespective of their ability to drive. To overcome this, individuals pay informal "agents" to bribe the bureaucrat and avoid taking the exam altogether. An audit study of agents further highlights the insensitivity of agents' pricing to driving skills. Together, these results suggest that bureaucrats raise red tape to extract bribes and that this corruption undermines the very purpose of regulation.
Corruption, regulation
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19.
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Coarse Thinking and Persuasion
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Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Joshua Schwartzstein Harvard University - Department of Economics Andrei Shleifer Harvard University - Department of Economics
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Posted:
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20 Nov 06
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Last Revised:
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02 May 07
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155 ( 54,762) |
10
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Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Joshua Schwartzstein Harvard University - Department of Economics Andrei Shleifer Harvard University - Department of Economics
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| Posted: |
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06 Dec 06
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02 May 07
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17
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10
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Abstract:
We present a model of coarse thinking, in which individuals group situations into categories, and transfer the informational content of a given message from situations in a category where it is useful to those where it is not. The model explains how uninformative messages can be persuasive, particularly in low involvement situations, and how objectively informative messages can be dropped by the persuader without the audience assuming the worst. The model sheds light on product branding, the structure of product attributes, and several puzzling aspects of mutual fund advertising.
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Andrei Shleifer Harvard University - Department of Economics Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Joshua Schwartzstein Harvard University - Department of Economics
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| Posted: |
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20 Nov 06
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20 Nov 06
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138
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10
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Abstract:
We present a model of coarse thinking, in which individuals group situations into categories, and transfer the informational content of a given message from situations in a category where it is useful to those where it is not. The model explains how uninformative messages can be persuasive, particularly in low involvement situations, and how objectively informative messages can be dropped by the persuader without the audience assuming the worst. The model sheds light on product branding, the structure of product attributes, and several puzzling aspects of mutual fund advertising.
advertising, branding, marketing
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20.
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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| Posted: |
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29 Jul 03
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Last Revised:
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29 Jul 03
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149 (56,856)
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80
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Abstract:
We perform a field experiment to measure racial discrimination in the labor market. We respond with fictitious resumes to help-wanted ads in Boston and Chicago newspapers. To manipulate perception of race, each resume is assigned either a very African American sounding name or a very White sounding name. The results show significant discrimination against African-American names: White names receive 50 percent more callbacks for interviews. We also find that race affects the benefits of a better resume. For White names, a higher quality resume elicits 30 percent more callbacks whereas for African Americans, it elicits a far smaller increase. Applicants living in better neighborhoods receive more callbacks but, interestingly, this effect does not differ by race. The amount of discrimination is uniform across occupations and industries. Federal contractors and employers who list 'Equal Opportunity Employer' in their ad discriminate as much as other employers. We find little evidence that our results are driven by employers inferring something other than race, such as social class, from the names. These results suggest that racial discrimination is still a prominent feature of the labor market.
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21.
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Sticking with Your Vote: Cognitive Dissonance and Voting
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Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Ebonya L. Washington Yale University - Department of Economics
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Posted:
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09 Feb 06
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Last Revised:
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25 Oct 07
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147 ( 57,573) |
3
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Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Ebonya L. Washington Yale University - Department of Economics
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| Posted: |
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24 May 06
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25 Oct 07
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132
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3
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Abstract:
In traditional models, votes are an expression of preferences and beliefs. Psychological theories of cognitive dissonance suggest, however, that behavior may shape preferences. In this view, the very act of voting may influence political attitudes. A vote for a candidate may lead to more favorable interpretations of his actions in the future. We test the empirical relevance of cognitive dissonance in US Presidential elections. The key problem in such a test is the endogeneity of voter choice which leads to a mechanical relationship between voting and preferences. We use the voting age restrictions to help surmount this difficulty. We examine the Presidential opinion ratings of nineteen and twenty year olds two years after the President's election. Consistent with cognitive dissonance, we find that twenty year olds (who were eligible to vote in the election) show greater polarization of opinions than comparable nineteen year olds (who were ineligible to vote). We rule out that aging drives these results in two ways. First, we find no polarization differences in years in which twenty and nineteen year olds would not have differed in their eligibility to vote in the prior Presidential election. Second, we show a similar effect when we compare polarization (for all age groups) in opinions of Senators elected during high turnout Presidential campaign years with Senators elected during low turnout non-Presidential campaign years. Thus we find empirical support for the relevance of cognitive dissonance to voting behavior. This finding has at least three implications for the dynamics of voting behavior. First, it offers a new rationale for the incumbency advantage. Second, it suggests that there is an efficiency argument for term limits. And finally, our results demonstrate that efficiency may not be increasing in turnout level.
political economy, legislator behavior, gender
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Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Ebonya L. Washington Yale University - Department of Economics
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| Posted: |
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09 Feb 06
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Last Revised:
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20 Apr 06
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15
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3
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Abstract:
In traditional models, votes are an expression of preferences and beliefs. Psychological theories of cognitive dissonance suggest, however, that behavior may shape preferences. In this view, the very act of voting may influence political attitudes. A vote for a candidate may lead to more favorable interpretations of his actions in the future. We test the empirical relevance of cognitive dissonance in US Presidential elections. The key problem in such a test is the endogeneity of voter choice which leads to a mechanical relationship between voting and preferences. We use the voting age restrictions to help surmount this difficulty. We examine the Presidential opinion ratings of nineteen and twenty year olds two years after the President's election. Consistent with cognitive dissonance, we find that twenty year olds (who were eligible to vote in the election) show greater polarization of opinions than comparable nineteen year olds (who were ineligible to vote). We rule out that aging drives these results in two ways. First, we find no polarization differences in years in which twenty and nineteen year olds would not have differed in their eligibility to vote in the prior Presidential election. Second, we show a similar effect when we compare polarization (for all age groups) in opinions of Senators elected during high turnout Presidential campaign years with Senators elected during low turnout non-Presidential campaign years. Thus we find empirical support for the relevance of cognitive dissonance to voting behavior. This finding has at least three implications for the dynamics of voting behavior. First, it offers a new rationale for the incumbency advantage. Second, it suggests that there is an efficiency argument for term limits. And finally, our results demonstrate that efficiency may not be increasing in turnout level.
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22.
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Dean S. Karlan Yale University - Economic Growth Center Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Eldar Shafir Princeton University Jonathan Zinman Dartmouth College
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| Posted: |
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24 Jan 09
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Last Revised:
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24 Jan 09
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140 (60,132)
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4
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Abstract:
Firms spend billions of dollars each year advertising consumer products in order to influence demand. Much of these outlays are on the creative design of advertising content. Creative content often uses nuances of presentation and framing that have large effects on consumer decision making in laboratory studies. But there is little field evidence on the effect of advertising content as it compares in magnitude to the effect of price. We analyze a direct mail field experiment in South Africa implemented by a consumer lender that randomized creative content and loan price simultaneously. We find that content has significant effects on demand. There is also some evidence that the magnitude of content sensitivity is large relative to price sensitivity. However, it was difficult to predict which particular types of content would significantly impact demand. This fits with a central premise of psychology - context matters - and highlights the importance of testing the robustness of laboratory findings in the field.
economics of advertising, economics & psychology, behavioral economics, cues, microfinance
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23.
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Jonathan Gruber Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) - Department of Economics Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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| Posted: |
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04 Apr 02
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Last Revised:
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11 Apr 02
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69 (100,756)
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46
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Abstract:
To measure how policy changes affect social welfare, economists typically look at how policies affect behavior, and use a formal model to infer welfare consequences from the behavioral responses. But when different models can map the same behavior to very different welfare impacts, it becomes hard to draw firm conclusions about many policies. An excellent example of this conundrum is the taxation of addictive substances such as cigarettes. Existing empirical evidence on smoking is equally consistent with two models that have radically different welfare implications. Under the rational addiction model, cigarette taxes make time consistent smokers worse off. But, under alternative time inconsistent models, smokers are made better off by taxes, as they provide a valuable self-control device. We therefore propose an alternative approach to assessing the welfare implications of policy interventions: examining directly the impact on subjective well-being. We do so by matching information on cigarette excise taxation to separate surveys from the U.S. and Canada that contain data on self-reported happiness. And we model the differential impact of excise taxes on those predicted to be likely to be smokers, relative to others, in order to control for omitted correlations between happiness and excise taxation. We find consistent evidence in both countries that excise taxes make predicted smokers happier. This evidence suggests that the time inconsistent model of smoking is more appropriate, and that as a result welfare is improved by higher cigarette taxes.
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24.
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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| Posted: |
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13 Jan 99
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Last Revised:
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07 May 00
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35 (136,567)
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22
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Abstract:
We investigate the impact of changes in states' anti-takeover legislation on executive compensation. We find both pay for performance sensitivities and mean pay increase for the firms affected by the legislation (relative to a control group). These findings are partially consistent with an optimal contracting model of CEO pay as well as with a skimming model in which reduced takeover fears allow CEO's to skim more. We compute lower bounds on the relative risk aversion coefficients implied by our findings. These lower bounds are relatively high, indicating that the increase in mean pay may have been more than needed to maintain CEO's individual rationality constraints. Under both models however, our evidence shows that the increased pay for performance offsets some of the incentive reduction caused by lower takeover threats.
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25.
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Jeffrey R. Brown University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign - Department of Finance Jeffrey R. Kling Brookings Institution Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Marian Wrobel Harvard University - Institute for Quantitative Social Science
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| Posted: |
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24 Jan 08
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Last Revised:
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22 Feb 08
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34 (137,966)
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2
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Abstract:
Rational models of risk-averse consumers have difficulty explaining limited annuity demand. We posit that consumers evaluate annuity products using a narrow investment frame that focuses on risk and return, rather than a consumption frame that considers the consequences for lifelong consumption. Under an investment frame, annuities are quite unattractive, exhibiting high risk without high returns. Survey evidence supports this hypothesis: whereas 72 percent of respondents prefer a life annuity over a savings account when the choice is framed in terms of consumption, only 21 percent of respondents prefer it when the choice is framed in terms of investment features.
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26.
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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| Posted: |
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10 Mar 05
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Last Revised:
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10 Mar 05
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22 (161,391)
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Abstract:
The strong positive relationship between corporate cash flow and investment has been interpreted through the lens of both agency- and non-agency-based models. In this paper, we distinguish between these two interpretations using project-level data in the oil and gas industry. The specific projects we consider are auctioned-off leases that give mineral exploration rights to tracts of federal land. We find the standard positive relationship between investment and cash flow in this data, in that positive shocks to residual cash flow (netting out firm and time effects) are associated with higher spending on these leases. Interestingly, the increased investment comes from an increase in the price paid per tract with little to no change in the total number of tracts or total acreage of land bought. The positive association between price and cash flow holds even after controlling for a set of tract and firm characteristics that might be ex-ante related to expected return on a given tract. This data is most useful, however, because we can directly observe the eventual productivity of each of these projects. We find that the increase in price induced by higher cash flow is associated with lower average productivity. In fact, the total number of productive tracts does not increase with cash flow. In other words, while higher cash flow is associated with higher spending on these projects, higher cash flow does not lead to higher revenues from these projects. Combining this finding with the lack of a quantity response, we conclude that our results are best described by an agency model where managers use cash flow to simplify their job (or live a "quiet life") rather than "empire-build".
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27.
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Rema Hanna Harvard University - John F. Kennedy School of Government Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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| Posted: |
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11 Apr 08
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Last Revised:
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29 Apr 08
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18 (172,785)
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5
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Abstract:
Many countries mandate affirmative action in university admissions for traditionally disadvantaged groups. Little is known about either the efficacy or costs of these programs. This paper examines affirmative action in engineering colleges in India for lower-caste groups. We find that it successfully targets the financially disadvantaged: the marginal upper-caste applicant comes from a more advantaged background than the marginal lower-caste applicant who displaces him. Despite much lower entrance exam scores, the marginal lower-caste entrant does benefit: we find a strong, positive economic return to admission. These findings contradict common arguments against affirmative action: that it is only relevant for richer lower-caste members, or that those who are admitted are too unprepared to benefit from the education. However, these benefits come at a cost. Our point estimates suggest that the marginal upper-caste entrant enjoys nearly twice the earnings level gain as the marginal lower-caste entrant. This finding illustrates the program's redistributive nature: it benefits the poor, but costs resources in absolute terms. One reason for this lower level gain is that a smaller fraction of lower-caste admits end up employed in engineering or advanced technical jobs. Finally, we find no evidence that the marginal upper-caste applicant who is rejected due to the policy ends up with more negative attitudes towards lower castes or towards affirmative action programs. On the other hand, there is some weak evidence that the marginal lower-caste admits become stronger supporters of affirmative action programs.
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28.
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William Congdon Brookings Institution Jeffrey R. Kling Brookings Institution Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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| Posted: |
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15 Sep 09
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Last Revised:
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15 Sep 09
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11 (193,016)
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Abstract:
Behavioral economics is changing our understanding of how economic policy operates, including tax policy. In this paper, we consider some implications of behavioral economics for tax policy, such as how it changes our understanding of the welfare consequences of taxation, the relative desirability of using the tax system as a platform for policy implementation, and the role of taxes as an element of policy design. We do so by reviewing the logic of specific features of tax policy in light of recent findings in areas such as tax salience, program take-up, and fiscal stimulus.
Institutional subscribers to the NBER working paper series, and residents of developing countries may download this paper without additional charge at www.nber.org.
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29.
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Erzo F. P. Luttmer Harvard University - John F. Kennedy School of Government Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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| Posted: |
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20 Jul 00
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Last Revised:
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20 Jul 00
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11 (193,016)
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88
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Abstract:
This paper empirically examines the role of social networks in welfare participation. Social theorists from across the political spectrum have argued that network effects have given rise to a culture of poverty. Empirical work, however, has found it difficult to distinguish the effect of networks from unobservable characteristics of individuals and areas. We use data on language spoken to better infer an individual's network within an area. Individuals who are surrounded by others speaking their language have a larger pool of available contacts. Moreover, the network influence of this pool will depend on their welfare knowledge. We, therefore, focus on the differential effect of increased contact availability: does being surrounded by others who speak the same language increase welfare use more for individuals from high welfare using language groups? The results strongly confirm the importance of networks in welfare participation. We deal with omitted variable bias in several ways. First, our methodology allows us to include local area and language group fixed effects and to control for the direct effect of contact availability; these controls eliminate many of the problems in previous studies. Second, we instrument for contact availability in the neighborhood with the number of one's language group in the entire metropolitan area. Finally, we investigate the effect of removing education controls. Both instrumentation and removal of education controls have little impact on the estimates.
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30.
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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07 Oct 03
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Last Revised:
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07 Oct 03
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0 (0)
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Abstract:
Much of our understanding of corporations builds on the idea that managers, when they are not closely monitored, will pursue goals that are not in shareholders' interests. But what goals would managers pursue? This paper uses variation in corporate governance generated by state adoption of antitakeover laws to empirically map out managerial preferences. We use plant-level data and exploit a unique feature of corporate law that allows us to deal with possible biases associated with the timing of the laws. We find that when managers are insulated from takeovers, worker wages (especially those of white-collar workers) rise. The destruction of old plants falls, but the creation of new plants also falls. Finally, overall productivity and profitability decline in response to these laws. Our results suggest that active empire building may not be the norm and that managers may instead prefer to enjoy the quiet life.
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31.
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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14 Oct 99
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Last Revised:
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26 Oct 99
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Abstract:
Anecdotal evidence suggests that uncontrolled managers let wages rise above competitive levels. To test this belief, we examine the wage impact of antitakeover legislation passed throughout the 1980s in many states. Since many view hostile takeovers as an important disciplining device, these laws, by reducing takeover threats, potentially raised managerial discretion. If uncontrolled managers pay higher wages, we expect wages to rise following these laws. Using firm-level data, we find that these laws raised annual wages by 1% to 2%, or about $500 per year. The findings are robust to a battery of specification checks and do not appear to be contaminated by the political economy of the laws or other sources of bias. These results challenge standard theories of wage determination that ignore the role of managerial preferences.
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32.
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Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Erzo F. P. Luttmer Harvard University - John F. Kennedy School of Government
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| Posted: |
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03 Feb 99
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Last Revised:
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26 Nov 03
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0 (0)
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Abstract:
This paper empirically examines the role of social networks in welfare participation. Social theorists from across the political spectrum have argued that network effects have given rise to a culture of poverty. Empirical work, however, has found it difficult to distinguish the effect of networks from unobservable characteristics of individuals and areas. We use data on language spoken to better infer an individual?s network within an area. Individuals who are surrounded by others speaking their language have a larger pool of available contacts. Moreover, the network influence of this pool will depend on their welfare knowledge. We, therefore, focus on the differential effect of increased contact availability: does being surrounded by others who speak the same language increase welfare use more for individuals from high welfare using language groups? The results strongly confirm the importance of networks in welfare participation. We deal with omitted variable bias in several ways. First, our methodology allows us to include local area and language group fixed effects and to control for the direct effect of contact availability; these controls eliminate many of the problems in previous studies. Second, we instrument for contact availability in the neighborhood with the number of one?s language group in the entire metropolitan area. Finally, we investigate the effect of removing education controls. Both instrumentation and removal of education controls have little impact on the estimates.
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33.
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Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business
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| Posted: |
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31 Dec 98
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Last Revised:
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26 Nov 03
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Abstract:
We investigate the impact of changes in states' anti-takeover legislation on executive compensation. We find that both pay for performance sensitivities and mean pay increase for the firms affected by the legislation (relative to a control group). These findings are partially consistent with an optimal contracting allow CEOs to skim more. We compute lower bounds on the relative risk aversion coefficients implied by our findings. These lower bounds are relatively high, indicating that the increase in mean pay may have been more than needed to maintain CEOs' individual rationality constraints. Under both models; however, our evidence shows that the increased pay for performance offsets some of the incentive reduction caused by lower takeover threats.
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34.
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Marianne Bertrand University of Chicago - Booth School of Business Sendhil Mullainathan Harvard University - Department of Economics
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| Posted: |
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30 Nov 98
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Last Revised:
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26 Nov 03
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0 (0)
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Abstract:
Anecdotal evidence suggests that uncontrolled managers let wages rise above competitive levels. Testing this popular perception has proven difficult; however, because independent variation in the extent of managerial discretion is needed. In this paper, we use states? passage of anti-takeover legislation as a source of such independent variation. Passed in the 1980s, these laws seriously limited takeovers of firms incorporated in legislating states. Since many view hostile takeovers as an important disciplining device, these laws potentially raised managerial discretion in affected firms. If uncontrolled managers pay higher wages, we expect wages to rise following these laws. Using firm-level data, we find that relative to a control group, annual wages for firms incorporated in states passing laws did indeed rise by 1 to 2% or about $500 per year. The findings are robust to a battery of specification checks and do not appear to be contaminated by the political economy of the laws or other sources of bias. Our results suggest that discretion significantly affects wages. They challenge standard theories of wage determination which ignore the role of managerial preferences.
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