Jute Industry in West Bengal চোট-পাট বেত্তান্ত
Indian Statistical Institute
January 25, 2007
coT-paT bettanto, Tepantar Vol. VI, pp.29-66, 2008
The investigator, out of his severe guilt feeling as he is a member of the leisure class, executed some self-funded projects related to socio-economic conditions of West Bengal. One of them is jute industry in West Bengal, India. He had surveyed jute cultivation and industry (59 Factories). Methodologically speaking, he had not followed any statistical sample survey techniques as he wished to reject state-statistics unholy nexus following Foucauldian paradigm; secondly, under the deployment of scheduled survey techniques, subjects were objectified and they underwent metonymic transformation. According to investigator, a Foucauldian, that is a sever violence. Therefore, instead of this technique he followed his own version of qualitative ethno-methodology or snow-ball method for understanding such domains. His findings are as follows: • Economics is not a so-called natural science that could be guided by the laws of physics. Thus the universalization of economic laws is not at all possible. Econometric analysis does not able to predict future economic condition. • The governmental statistics does not match with the ground-reality narratives. • The so-called binary division between organized and unorganized sector does not work at all — a fuzzy zone of organized-unorganized sector has been evolved in the West Bengal industrial scenario. • The existence of disembodied (a phantom or ghost-like entity) owners of several industries has been observed in organized jute industry, coal industry as well as in unorganized basalt-quarries. • Due to automation and manipulative procedures taken by the owners of industries and due to the conversion of surplus labour-necessary labour ratio in the form of money-sign, null-workers are “working” without any work in the sphere of economy. The extraction is possible due to the diachronically accumulated surplus labor from the deceased null workers. Null workers exist and do not exist. • By the virtue of the labour of the deceased null workers, owners are creating a accumulative space, where one can convert money-sign to another money-sign, i.e., the domain of dangerous share market. Specters of the null workers are not at all haunting here, where capital to commodity transformation has become merely a place of conspicuous consumption of the minority super-rich people, who have the fetish for the ostentatious display of eco-enemy commodities. • The role of state is minimal — collusion of super-rich, a minority, is reigning with the help of ideological state apparatuses. • The investigator is emphasizing on using local terms to depict the nature of economics as it is found in glocal (global local) context of West Bengal. If Sahibs could use so-called anti-languages like plum or lemon market, what is wrong with the terms like lokkhibar (no consuming day), tola (illegal levy), pORta (covert weight), gunda tax (tax to be paid to the goons), bani (the hidden residue of the gold at the time of reselling), Soru line (illegal path) phoRe (the ‘illegal’ agent), cinHat (signs or a type of archewriting that regulates the parallel market with legal conflict)? • The role of political parties here surprising enough. There is no question of ideology as advertised by the respective parties, rather they are using ideology as a mask. They are acting as private limited company as the corporatization of those parties guided by management gurus has successfully established in the dollar-controlled democracy.
Note: Downloadable document is in Bengali.
Number of Pages in PDF File: 19
Keywords: null worker, disembodied owners, surplus extractor, fuzziness of formal-informal sectorsAccepted Paper Series
Date posted: May 9, 2012
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